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May 2025 Blog Posts

NATURAL LAW AND THE CONSTITUTION

“We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.”[1] One of the most well-known phrases in American history. This statement is an affirmance that the founding fathers believed all men were vested with natural rights that the state was prohibited from taking without the consent of the people. The existence of rights, absent their codification into law is put forth in the Ninth Amendment. It reads that there are an indefinite number of rights protected but not enumerated by the Constitution. It acknowledges a plethora of rights natural to man, so many so that the drafters of the Constitution could not list them all. They knew that there would arise occasions at which a right would be contested, and without the protection of the Ninth Amendment, it may be eradicated. Yet, the Supreme Court has resisted placing substantive due process rights in the Ninth Amendment, in actuality, the Court has resisted using the Ninth Amendment in any real manner. In such chaotic times as these, the Court should consider the proper application of the Ninth Amendment, however, in doing so it ought to stay as far as possible from the chaos of natural law.

Natural Law vs. Natural Rights

There are two forms of natural, inherent, existence principles that are commonly discussed. Natural law, as Saint Thomas Aquinas believed, is the participation of mankind in eternal law.[2] In contrast, is natural rights, the idea that there are certain rights of existence that are inherent in mankind.[3]

The concept of natural rights, as opposed to natural law, is well imbued in the United States Constitution. The Bill of Rights being the most ardent example of the codification of natural rights.  The right to worship as one sees fit, the right to bear arms, the right to due process of law, these are all rights that are recognized by the Constitution as a codification of those specific natural rights.  The most obvious acknowledgment of, and protection thereof, natural rights is  the Ninth Amendment which reads, “[t]he enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.”  Justices across the aisle have struggled with how to apply this Amendment, furthermore it has not been incorporated against the states as many of the other rights secured in the Bill of Rights has.

Natural Rights in the Context of the Ninth Amendment

Historically, the Ninth Amendment was used most commonly to strike down laws for exceeding the state’s power to legislate.[4] The Fourteenth Amendment on the other hand has been propositioned that due process as ascribed in the Constitution, simply means that a state cannot infringe upon your rights without procedural process that is fair and equitable to all.[5] In contrast, Professor Kurt T. Lash argued that the drafters of the Fourteenth Amendment understood it to protect unspoken fundamental, inherent, natural rights.[6]

One of the most famous cases in American substantive due process and natural rights, discourse is Griswold v. Connecticut, where the United States Supreme Court held that married people had a right to purchase and use contraceptives if they so desired.[7] This case presented a slam dunk for the Court to use the Ninth Amendment, yet they shied away from holding that the right to contraceptives was found in the “penumbral rights of ‘privacy and repose.”[8] The Court looked at these overlapping zones of privacy created by the First, Third, Fourth, Fifth, and Ninth Amendments as creating a Constitutional guarantee to the right of privacy. While not explicitly relying upon the Ninth Amendment, the Court implicitly acknowledges a fundamental, imbued right to privacy. Free from the state’s ability to reach into one’s marriage. The Court struggled to articulate what exact Constitutional principle it found such right, but still it acknowledged it existed. In the last full paragraph of the majority opinion, the Court acknowledged that they were dealing with a right “older than the Bill of Rights – older than our political parties, older than our school system.”[9] They knew there was a fundamental right here implicated by their decision.

Conclusion: Natural Law has No Place in Jurisprudence

When considering the structure of our government it becomes abundantly clear that the courts should have no legitimate role in mandating or implicating natural law. The judiciary is the only branch of the government that is not directly voted in by the people. All justices of the Court are nominated by the executive, then confirmed by the Senate.[10] The congress is specially designed to respond to the will of the people, the House of Representative’s requiring elections every two years.[11] The Senate on the other hand has a 6-year term limit, and the executive has a 4-year term limit.[12] The judiciary on the other hand, has no term limit, with the only condition on their appointment that they shall have good behavior.[13] All it takes is 5 rouge or politically motivated justice who sit on the Court to alter, revoke, create, or change a right. With no accountability, the Court has limited incentives to stay apolitical.

[1] Declaration of Independence (US 1776).

[2] Murphy, Mark, The Natural Law Tradition in Ethics, The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2019 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.)

[3]John Loche. Second Treatise of Government: An Essay Concerning the True Original, Extent and End of Civil Government, (1689).

[4] Ilan Wurman, The Origins of Substantive Due Process, 87 Univ. Chic. L. R. 815, 818, (2020).

[5] Nathan S. Chapman & Michael W. McConnell, Due Process as Separation of Powers, 121 Yale L.J. 1672, 1679 (2012).

[6] Kurt T. Lash, Enforcing the Rights of Due Process: The Original Relationship Between the Fourteenth Amendment and the 1866 Civil Rights Act, 106 Georgetown L.J. 1389, 1459-60, 1466-67 (2018).

[7] Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. 479, 485-86 (1965).

[8] Id. at 485.

[9] Id. at 486.

[10] U.S. Const. art. II, sec. II, cl. II.

[11] Id. art. I, sec. II, cl. I.

[12] Id. art. I, sec. III, cl. 4; U.S. Const. art. II, sec. 1, cl. 1.9.

[13] U.S. Const. art. III, sec. I.

 

Maybe for the first Court reference, say the full “Supreme Court”?

 

Maybe change to substantive due process and natural rights? I am not quite clear on this sentence.

May 2025 Blog Posts

FROM STREETS TO COURTROOMS: THE LEGAL BATTLE OVER HOMELESS ENCAMPMENTS

The local and national homelessness crisis in the United States is a deep-rooted, complicated problem.[1] Various factors affect homelessness across the United States including, social detriments, economic impacts, political influence, and racial disparities.[2] The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) estimates 653,104 people in the United States experienced homelessness in 2023.[3] Minnesota’s homelessness substantially contributes to the national homelessness statistics. For example, approximately 10,522 Minnesotans experienced homelessness in 2024, and 3,472 of those individuals were not in a formal shelter.[4] Individuals who do not seek formal shelters may settle into homeless encampments as a cost-effective and safer alternative.[5] Are homeless encampments really that safe, and what is Minnesota doing to manage these encampments? The Supreme Court of the United States and Minnesota law makers provided guidance on how to best manage homeless encampments, as we will explore further.

A homeless encampment can be defined as, “places where a group of individuals experiencing homelessness reside that is not intended for long-term continuous occupancy.”[6] Oftentimes homeless encampments arise from “severe shortages of affordable housing, poverty, and insufficient resources.”[7] Individuals may choose to reside in homeless encampments for a variety of reasons such as (1) desire for community, (2) perceived increased safety and support, and (3) personal privacy.[8] Homeless encampments are not per se illegal; however, the Supreme Court of the United States recently broadened the forms of criminal punishments allowed against individuals residing in homeless encampments.[9] The Supreme Court (in City of Grants Pass v. Johnson) decided states will not violate the 8th Amendment of the United States Constitution (guaranteeing no cruel and unusual punishment) when they penalize individuals residing in homeless encampments.[10] The Supreme Court believed homelessness, even if involuntary, should be managed by the states in any manner the state feels is necessary.[11] Now, state law enforcement personnel can fine, remove, and/or arrest individuals from their homeless encampments without provocation.[12] Per the Supreme Court, these types of punishments are not cruel or unusual because they are not “designed to [cause] terror, pain, or disgrace” to the individual.[13]

The result of the Supreme Court’s ruling in City of Grants Pass v. Johnson has many Minnesotans afraid of possible furthered negative consequences for residents of homeless encampments.[14] Specifically, imposing criminal penalties for residents of homeless encampments may cause increased displacement issues, mental health concerns, reduced social harmony, and “worsening legal and financial complications.”[15] Some community members and organizations critiqued the Supreme Court’s ruling, claiming criminal punishments may not be the best way to solve the homeless encampment crisis.[16] A more effective solution may include increased state housing funding for individuals experiencing homelessness, and/or increased funding for mental health and substance abuse services.[17] Minnesotans may notice improved community relations and reduced homeless encampments with better supported emergency shelters and/or community-based services (rather than penalizing individuals based on housing status).[18]

Minnesota responded to the Supreme Court’s decision in City of Grants Pass v. Johnson approximately three months later by amending a Minneapolis Housing Ordinance specifying strict encampment removal procedures that law enforcement personnel must follow.[19] The amended ordinance also provides temporary housing permits to individuals residing in homeless encampments or other forms of non-traditional housing.[20] Additionally, the City of Minneapolis will consider various factors affecting the greater community before removing a homeless encampment such as (1) neighborhood/geographic impact, (2) health impact, (3) safety impact, and (4) external impact.[21] Minnesota Governor, Tim Walz, enacted the Local Homeless Prevention Aid Act in 2021, which devoted Minnesota state funding to homeless crisis prevention services.[22] The state provided twenty million dollars across Minnesota Counties in 2024, with Counties having broad allocation discretion to use the funds as they deem necessary for their communities.[23] However, Minnesota state homelessness funding through the Local Homeless Prevention Aid Act will not increase in 2025, despite the ongoing need for increased housing services for residents of homeless encampments.[24]

Minnesota has not officially commented on the Supreme Court’s decision allowing criminal penalties against residents of homeless encampments.[25] Relatedly, Minnesota housing providers say criminal penalties against individuals sleeping on public property have not increased since the Supreme Court’s decision in June of 2024.[26] However, Minnesota will likely follow the Supreme Court’s rule and begin distributing criminal penalties against homeless individuals since less severe offenses are readily dealt (such as loitering, trespassing, and public urination) to maintain homeless encampment transience.[27] The legal battle over the homeless encampment crisis is nowhere close to a resolution and will likely continue long-term.

[1] Laura M. Houghtaling et al., Unaccompanied Unstable Housing Among Racially, Ethnically, Sexually, and Gender Diverse Youth: Intersecting Identities Bearing the Greatest Burden, 94 Am. J. Orthopsychiatry 311, 312 (2024).

[2] Id.

[3] U.S. Dep’t of Hous. And Urb. Dev., The 2023 Annual Homelessness Assessment Report (AHAR) to Congress (2023), https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/2023-AHAR-Part-1.pdf.

[4] Amherst H. Wilder Found., Single Night Count of People Experiencing Homelessness: 2023 Minnesota Homeless Study Counts and Data Tables (2023), https://www.wilder.org/sites/default/files/minnesota-homeless-study/2023/counts/Statewide-2023-Homeless-Counts_3-24.pdf?v=2.

[5] Rebecca Cohen et al., Understanding Encampments of People Experiencing Homelessness and Community Responses: Emerging Evidence as of Late 2018, U.S. Dep’t of Hous. And Urb. Dev. (Jan. 7, 2019), https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/Understanding-Encampments.pdf

[6] Nat’l League of Cities, An Overview of Homeless Encampments for City Leaders (2022), https://www.nlc.org/resource/an-overview-of-homeless-encampments/.

[7] Id.

[8] Cohen, supra note 5, at 4.

[9] See City of Grants Pass v. Johnson, 144 S. Ct. 2202, 2226 (2024).

[10] Id.

[11] Id. at 2218.

[12] Katelyn Vue, Supreme Court homelessness ruling: What it means for Minnesota, Sahan J. (Aug. 1, 2024), https://sahanjournal.com/housing/supreme-court-homeless-ruling-grants-pass-minnesota-concerns; Susan Du, Experts working to end homelessness in Minnesota say high court ruling will make jobs harder, Minn. Star Tribune (Jul. 2, 2024), https://www.startribune.com/experts-working-to-end-homelessness-in-minnesota-say-supreme-court-ruling-will-make-their-jobs-harder/600377966.

[13] City of Grants Pass v. Johnson, 144 S. Ct. at 2216 (2024).

[14] Shannon Smith Jones & Kizzy Downie, Compassion, not punishment, is key to ending homelessness, Minn. Star Tribune (Jul. 25, 2024), https://www.startribune.com/compassion-not-punishment-is-key-to-ending-homlessness/600386163.

[15] Id.

[16] Michelle Decker Gerrard & Stephanie Nelson-Dusek, Ruling in Grants Pass v. Johnson misses the mark on homelessness, Minn. Post (Jul. 3, 2024), https://www.minnpost.com/community-voices/2024/07/ruling-in-grants-pass-v-johnson-misses-the-mark-on-homelessness/

[17] Id.

[18] Id.

[19] Minneapolis, Minn. Rev. Ordinance 12 Ch. 244 (2024).

[20] Id.

[21] City of Minneapolis, City Response to Homelessness (2024), https://www2.minneapolismn.gov/government/programs-initiatives/housing-development-assistance/emergency-homeless/city-response/

[22] Laws of Minn. 2021, Ch. 14, Art. 7, Sec. 3.

[23] Minn. Dep’t of Revenue, Summary of Local Homeless Prevention Aid (LHPA) Certified for 2024 (2023), https://www.revenue.state.mn.us/sites/default/files/2023-07/2024-local-homeless-prevention-aid-summary.pdf; Minn. Interagency Council on Homelessness, Use of Funding & Resources (2024), https://mich.mn.gov/local-homeless-prevention-aid.

[24] Minn. Dep’t of Revenue, Summary of Local Homeless Prevention Aid (LHPA) Certified for 2025 (2024), https://www.revenue.state.mn.us/sites/default/files/2024-07/2025-local-homeless-prevention-aid-summary.pdf.

[25] Vue, supra note 12.

[26] Id.

[27] Id.